Virtual space and social media studies

Abstract Introduction: The attack on Shajareh Tayyebeh Primary School in Minab during the opening hours of the Ramadan War (February 28, 2026) became one of the most widely covered civilian tragedies of the conflict between Iran and the United States-Israel coalition. Because the victims were elementary school children, the incident attracted extensive attention from national and international media. In particular, Iranian messaging applications such as Baleh and Eitaa emerged as important sources of news dissemination during the war, especially in the context of restricted access to global social media platforms.
Previous studies have shown that media representations of war victims influence public perceptions by determining which victims are considered worthy of sympathy and attention. However, the central question of this study is not merely whether victims are represented, but how they are represented. In the Minab case, media coverage consistently emphasized the child and especially female identity of the victims. This emphasis shaped public understanding of the event and, in some cases, overshadowed factual aspects of the tragedy, including the actual composition of the victims and discrepancies in reported casualty figures.
This article argues that the dominant representation of the Minab attack can be understood through what is conceptualized here as “feminized emotional framing.” While this framing effectively attracted public attention and moral outrage, it also marginalized alternative interpretations of the event and contributed to a selective construction of victimhood. The study therefore investigates the dominant frames employed in Iranian messaging-app news channels and examines their implications for public understanding of the incident.
Methods: This research employs a qualitative content analysis combined with inductive frame analysis. The dataset consists of news posts related to the Minab school attack published between the outbreak of the war and the ceasefire (from February 28, 2026, to April 8, 2026). Data were collected from four highly followed news channels on the Iranian messaging applications Baleh and Eitaa: Khabar Fori, Bidari Mellat, Akhbar Fori/Mohem, and Sabrin News.
News items were identified through keyword searches including “Minab,” “Minab children,” and “Shajareh Tayyebeh.” Following screening procedures, a total of several hundred relevant news posts were retained for analysis. The unit of analysis was the individual news post, although only textual content was examined.
The analysis followed an inductive thematic approach. Open coding was first conducted to identify recurring concepts and patterns. Similar codes were then grouped into subthemes and broader themes. Finally, these themes were interpreted as news frames that highlighted particular aspects of the event while downplaying others.
Findings: The analysis revealed three dominant media frames in the coverage of the Minab school attack. The first and most prominent was the “Child-Girl Victim” frame, which emphasized female victims as innocent, vulnerable, and pure, transforming the image of the “girl victim” into a powerful emotional symbol while largely overlooking male casualties and individual identities. The second, the “Violation of Innocence” frame, portrayed the attack as a breach of a sacred moral boundary, presenting the school as a protected space and the children as symbols of universal innocence. As a result, the event was framed less as a military action and more as an ethical transgression. The third, the “Moral Justice-Seeking and Legal Accountability” frame, shifted attention from grief to demands for justice by highlighting international condemnation, legal responsibility, and the prosecution of perpetrators. Through this frame, the Minab tragedy was elevated from a national incident to a global symbol of violence against children, reinforcing calls for accountability and moral judgment.
Conclusion: The findings demonstrate that the media representation of the Minab school attack was shaped primarily by the Child-Girl Victim frame, supported by the complementary frames of Violation of Innocence and Moral Justice-Seeking and Legal Accountability. The study introduces the concept of feminized emotional framing to explain how gendered notions of innocence, fragility, and purity were attached to child victims in order to maximize emotional impact.
While this framing successfully mobilized sympathy and condemnation, it also produced unintended consequences. It contributed to the symbolic depersonalization of female victims, marginalized male student victims, and encouraged emotional narratives that sometimes-overshadowed factual precision, including inconsistencies in casualty figures. Overall, the findings suggest that media representations of wartime suffering are not neutral reflections of reality but active processes of meaning-making that shape public memory, moral judgment, and political responses to violence against children.

Abstract Introduction: In the age of digital public diplomacy, social media platforms have become key arenas for meaning-making, enemy representation, and the legitimation of military actions. Donald Trump, the former US president, during the military and media war between Iran and the United States in the Iranian calendar years 1404-1405 (2025-2026 CE), used Twitter (now X) as a platform to disseminate images related to Iran. These images went beyond mere news reporting; they conveyed implicit ideological meanings. Despite numerous studies examining the textual content of Trump’s tweets, systematic semiotic analysis of the images he posted—particularly during the peak of military tensions—remains a significant research gap. This research aimed to identify and analyze the semiotic systems employed in Donald Trump’s tweeted images about Iran during the 1404-1405 war period and to decode their implicit connotations, myths, and ideological functions.
Methods: This qualitative study adopted an integrated semiotic approach based on Roland Barthes’ theory (denotation, connotation, and myth) and Charles Sanders Peirce’s trichotomy (symbol, index, and icon). The research population consisted of all images posted by Trump’s official account (or his verified alternative accounts) during 1404-1405 that contained explicit or implicit references to Iran. A purposive, criterion-based sample of 27 images was selected based on the principle of theoretical saturation. Data were collected through systematic searches of Twitter/X and digital archives (e.g., the Wayback Machine) and stored along with their metadata. The analysis proceeded in four stages: (1) initial coding and description of visual signifiers; (2) analysis of connotations; (3) identification of myths; and (4) analysis of binary oppositions and ideological functions. MAXQDA software was used to assist with coding and categorization. Trustworthiness was enhanced through methodological triangulation (combining Barthes’ and Peirce’s approaches) and peer debriefing. Dependability was supported through an audit trail and a detailed codebook.
Findings: Classification of visual signifiers: Five main categories emerged: maps and borders (30%, e.g., manipulated maps of Iran featuring red arrows and the removal of Iranian islands), flags and national symbols (26%, e.g., Iranian and US flags presented in opposition and the Iranian flag depicted on sinking ships), military technologies (22%, e.g., aircraft carriers, submarines, drones, and missiles), leaders’ and commanders’ faces (15%, e.g., Trump and military commanders observing the scene), and abstract threat symbols (7%, e.g., storm clouds, fire, and the “red button”). Connotative meanings: Three dominant connotative themes were identified: (a) “existential, all-out threat”—conveyed through encircling red arrows on maps of Iran; (b) “annihilation and sinking”—represented through sinking Iranian fleets and falling drones, accompanied by captions such as “Dropping like butterflies”; and (c) “strategic ambiguity with temporal urgency”—reinforced by the recurring phrase “Time is of the essence” and imagery of storms. Myths: Three overarching myths were reproduced: (1) the “myth of defeated and passive Iran”—which systematically erases Iran’s military agency (e.g., by ignoring claims that Iran retained 70% of its missile arsenal); (2) the “myth of America as savior (military Christianity)”—in which Trump is presented as a noble commander protecting “civilization” from the “wild East”; and (3) the “myth of the ticking nuclear bomb”—which depicts Iran as an imminent existential threat, despite Iran’s longstanding claims that its nuclear program is peaceful. Binary oppositions: Six oppositions structured the visual discourse: Us/Them, Power/Weakness, Peace/War, Civilized/Barbaric, Future/Past (Trump vs. Obama/Biden), and Calm/Storm. These oppositions function to construct Iran as the “other” while associating Western audiences with Trump’s discourse. Ideological functions: The images served three main purposes: (a) legitimizing military action against Iran; (b) delegitimizing Trump’s domestic political rivals, particularly Obama and Biden; and (c) creating a psychological climate of threat and urgency intended to pressure Iranian decision-makers. Additional finding: A notable “absence” of positive Iranian signifiers (e.g., ordinary people, natural landscapes, scientific achievements, and cultural heritage sites such as Persepolis) was observed across all 27 images. This absence itself functions as a sign, indicating that Iran is reduced to a “security problem” and “military target” rather than represented as a living civilization.
Conclusion: Trump’s tweeted images during the 1404-1405 Iran-US war were not merely reflections of military events but functioned as powerful instruments in hybrid warfare and the broader battle over competing narratives. Through simple yet potent visual signs (maps, flags, storms, and sinking ships) and the reactivation of longstanding Orientalist myths, Trump and his media team contributed to constructing a visual discourse that could legitimize military violence against Iran. The systematic “absence” of positive representations of Iran suggests that this discourse sought the “semiotic erasure” of Iran as a living cultural identity. Theoretical contributions: This research offers an integrated Barthes-Peirce semiotic model for analyzing “crisis visual diplomacy.” It proposes the concept of “digital Orientalism”—the reproduction of Orientalist stereotypes through contemporary digital visual tools, including AI-generated images, infographics, and manipulated maps. The finding of a “zero sign” (the absence of positive Iranian signifiers) extends the application of semiotic theory to the analysis of visual discourse. Practical contributions: For Iranian media and cultural institutions, the study identifies the adversary’s visual patterns and suggests counter-strategies, including the production of alternative representations highlighting Iran’s defensive capabilities, scientific achievements, natural landscapes, and cultural heritage. For international relations and soft-power analysts, the proposed model provides a framework for decoding image-based psychological operations. For defense policymakers, understanding the myths reproduced by the adversary (e.g., the “ticking bomb” and “defeated Iran”) can contribute to the design of effective counter-narratives. In the era of visual diplomacy, military resistance and verbal diplomacy alone are insufficient. Iran needs a “semiotic corps” comprising graphic designers, filmmakers, media experts, and semioticians capable of producing powerful, credible, and constructive visual counter-narratives of Iran—not the mythologized image of Iran constructed by its adversaries. In this context, “meaning production”—the heart of contemporary soft power—can function as a strategic resource for responding to semiotic aggression.

Abstract Introduction: This study aims to identify, explain, and model the communicative resilience strategies adopted by native Iranian digital platforms during the Ramadan Conflict, defined as an 88-day period of international internet disruption. It examines how digital platforms, industry actors, and users responded to infrastructural instability, economic pressures, and restrictive governance during this period of crisis.
Methods: The study employed a qualitative Grounded Theory approach based on Strauss and Corbin’s methodology. Eighteen experts in platform management, digital governance, cybersecurity, and communication sociology were selected through purposive and theoretical sampling. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted until theoretical saturation was achieved after the fifteenth interview, followed by three additional interviews to strengthen the credibility of the findings. Data were analyzed through the sequential stages of open, axial, and selective coding.
Findings: The resulting paradigm model identified communicative resilience as a multilayered phenomenon shaped by interacting structural, organizational, and social factors. Causal conditions included infrastructural instability, such as routing disruptions and bandwidth saturation, together with economic losses and cybersecurity threats. Contextual conditions comprised changing cultural practices, restrictive governance prioritizing security over efficiency, and evolving user behaviors, including migration to domestic platforms and attempts to circumvent restrictions. Intervening conditions included currency fluctuations, inconsistencies in service provision, and shortages of skilled human resources.
Four interrelated strategic dimensions of communicative resilience emerged: (1) optimization of technical architecture; (2) management of user trust during periods of uncertainty; (3) collective advocacy and coordination within the platform industry; and (4) active user adaptation through local intranets, offline tools, and peer-to-peer knowledge sharing. These strategies generated broader consequences, including the strengthening of domestic digital platforms, changes in governance arrangements characterized by expanded regulatory oversight, and social transformations reflected in the weakening of online solidarity and collective interaction.
Conclusion: The findings suggest that communicative resilience should be understood not as a simple return to pre-crisis conditions but as an evolutionary process shaped by the interaction between technological infrastructures and societal needs. The study indicates that sustainable resilience requires a transition from “engineering resilience” toward “evolutionary resilience,” emphasizing adaptive governance, public trust, and user agency rather than centralized control alone. In this respect, the Ramadan Conflict represents a critical turning point in the evolution of Iran’s digital platform ecosystem. Without such a transition, future crises may increase the risk of fragmentation and isolation within the national digital environment.

Abstract Introduction: The rapid expansion of social media platforms has fundamentally reshaped the contemporary information environment. While these platforms facilitate the rapid dissemination of information and enhance public engagement, they have also created favorable conditions for the spread of misinformation and fake news. During crises and armed conflicts, the circulation of inaccurate or misleading information can significantly influence public perceptions, decision-making processes, and social stability. The Ramadan War, as a major contemporary crisis, provides a unique context for examining the mechanisms through which misinformation spreads across social media networks. In such situations, users often rely on social media as their primary source of information, increasing their exposure to unverified content and manipulated narratives.
This study aims to examine the role of social media in the dissemination of misinformation during the Ramadan War by investigating the influence of social media characteristics, users’ psychological factors, media trust, and media literacy. Furthermore, the study seeks to develop an integrated policy model for managing fake news in crisis situations.
Methods: This study adopted an applied research approach and employed a descriptive-correlational design using a quantitative survey method. The statistical population consisted of users of online communication platforms and social media networks who followed news related to the Ramadan War. Data were collected through a structured questionnaire developed based on the research variables and relevant theoretical foundations.
The questionnaire measured social media characteristics, psychological factors, media trust, media literacy, and the spread of misinformation. The validity of the instrument was confirmed through expert evaluation, while its reliability was assessed using Cronbach’s alpha coefficients. Data were analyzed using SPSS and SmartPLS software. Descriptive statistics were used to summarize the respondents’ characteristics, and structural equation modeling (SEM) was employed to test the proposed conceptual model and research hypotheses.
Findings: The findings indicate that social media platforms play a significant role in facilitating the spread of misinformation during crisis situations. Features such as rapid information sharing, algorithm-driven content distribution, and high levels of user interaction contribute to the accelerated dissemination of misleading information. The results further reveal that psychological factors, including emotional reactions and cognitive biases, significantly increase users’ susceptibility to misinformation and their likelihood of sharing unverified content.
In addition, media trust and media literacy emerged as significant determinants of misinformation diffusion. Lower levels of trust in official media sources encourage individuals to rely on informal channels, which are often more susceptible to misinformation. Conversely, higher levels of media literacy enhance users’ ability to critically evaluate information and reduce the likelihood of spreading false content.
Based on these findings, an integrated policy model was developed. The model incorporates technological, behavioral, and institutional interventions and proposes a multi-level strategy for mitigating misinformation during crises. The framework emphasizes the importance of algorithmic transparency, fact-checking mechanisms, media literacy education, institutional coordination, and effective crisis communication management.
Conclusion: The findings suggest that the spread of misinformation during the Ramadan War is not solely the result of technological factors but rather the outcome of a complex interaction among social media structures, users’ psychological characteristics, levels of media trust, and media literacy. Social media platforms can amplify the circulation of false information through algorithmic mechanisms and networked communication patterns, particularly during periods of uncertainty and crisis.
The proposed integrated policy model underscores the need to combine technological regulation, educational initiatives, and institutional measures to effectively manage misinformation. Strengthening media literacy, enhancing public trust in credible information sources, improving fact-checking systems, and developing coordinated crisis communication strategies are essential steps toward reducing the societal impact of fake news. The findings offer practical implications for policymakers, media organizations, and communication professionals seeking to strengthen information governance and enhance societal resilience against misinformation during crisis situations.

Abstract Introduction: This study examines the representation of resistance discourse in cartoons and graphic artworks related to the Iran-US war through the lens of Stuart Hall’s theory of representation. According to Hall, representation is not a passive reflection of reality but an active process of meaning production through signs, cultural codes, and systems of interpretation. Images do not simply depict events; they organize meanings by emphasizing certain values and constructing preferred readings for audiences. The main purpose of this research is to analyze how war cartoons and graphic works construct narratives of resistance and how visual signs contribute to the formation of national identity and political meanings. The study focuses on three interconnected dimensions: the representation of the enemy, the representation of national power, and the representation of resistance.
Methods: This research adopts a qualitative approach based on visual discourse analysis and semiotic interpretation. Selected cartoons and graphic works are analyzed through Stuart Hall’s theory of representation, with a focus on concepts such as signification, cultural codes, stereotyping, and preferred meaning. The analysis examines visual elements including composition, symbols, colors, characters, spatial arrangements, body language, and intertextual references. Through close readings of the images, the study identifies recurring visual patterns and explores how meanings are constructed through oppositions such as self/other, power/weakness, attack/defense, and defeat/resistance.The analytical framework is organized around three main categories: the representation of the enemy, the representation of national power, and the representation of resistance. This framework provides a systematic understanding of how visual codes contribute to the construction of war narratives and collective identity.
Findings: The findings demonstrate that war cartoons and graphic works function as active instruments of discourse production rather than neutral visual records. The first pattern concerns the representation of the enemy. Through exaggeration, symbolic reduction, and visual opposition, the enemy is frequently constructed as an aggressive, destabilizing, or vulnerable subject. These representations establish a distinction between the “self” and the “other” and contribute to the construction of a particular moral and political interpretation of the conflict. The second pattern relates to the representation of national power. The analysis indicates that power is represented not only through military technologies and equipment but also through symbolic elements such as national flags, cultural symbols, territorial control, and images of stability. In these works, national power is constructed as a combination of military capability, psychological strength, and narrative authority. Visual contrasts between calmness and anxiety, strength and weakness, and control and disorder reinforce particular understandings of power relations. The third and central pattern is the representation of resistance. The findings show that resistance is portrayed through collective endurance, unity, sacrifice, and active response. Symbols such as raised flags, clenched fists, collective bodies, damaged landscapes, and the presence of both civilian and military figures transform resistance from a military concept into a broader cultural and national value. Resistance is represented not only as opposition to an external threat but also as a symbol of identity, solidarity, and continuity.دFurthermore, the analysis reveals that many of these images rely on intertextual references and collective memories. Historical symbols, cultural motifs, and national myths strengthen the emotional and ideological dimensions of visual narratives, transforming specific events into broader narratives of perseverance and collective struggle.
Conclusion: This study shows that war cartoons and graphic artworks play an important role in shaping political meanings and constructing narratives of resistance. From the perspective of Stuart Hall’s theory of representation, these images should be understood as cultural practices that actively produce meanings rather than simply represent existing realities. The findings indicate that the discourse of resistance in these artworks is constructed through three interconnected processes: the representation of the enemy as the threatening “other,” the symbolic construction of national power, and the portrayal of collective resistance as a shared identity. Through visual signs and symbolic structures, these works construct a preferred interpretation of the conflict in which the represented community appears legitimate, powerful, and resilient. Therefore, cartoons and graphic works constitute significant fields of symbolic struggle where concepts such as identity, power, legitimacy, and resistance are negotiated. Their importance extends beyond artistic expression, as they participate in the formation of collective memory and political discourse.

Abstract Introduction: The increasing importance of cyber platforms in contemporary warfare has generated new challenges for criminological and legal scholarship. Existing studies have examined state crime, media influence, digital propaganda, strategic communication, and international criminal law. However, these fields have often developed independently, leaving significant gaps in understanding the interaction between digital platforms, public perceptions, and international criminal justice.
This research addresses that gap by integrating critical criminology, media criminology, state crime theory, labeling theory, and international criminal law into a unified analytical framework. The central research question is: How do cyber platforms shape public perceptions of the legitimacy of the use of force through their representation of war, and what consequences does this process have for international criminal justice?
The study further explores the mechanisms through which digital platforms influence public understanding of conflicts, redefine categories of victimhood and aggression, and contribute to broader processes of cognitive normalization of violence. Particular attention is devoted to the role of cyber platforms in constructing legitimacy narratives during the Ramadan War and the implications of these narratives for the effectiveness of international criminal law norms.
Methods: This research adopts a qualitative, theoretical, and descriptive-analytical methodology. Data were collected through documentary and library-based research, including international legal instruments, reports of international organizations, academic studies in criminology and media studies, policy documents relating to digital platforms, and scholarly literature concerning cognitive warfare and information management.
The Ramadan War of 2026 involving the United States, Israel, and the Islamic Republic of Iran was selected as the primary case study. The objective was not to conduct empirical content analysis of platform activity but rather to evaluate the explanatory capacity of critical criminological theories in understanding the role of cyber platforms in shaping perceptions of war.
Data analysis was conducted through conceptual analysis and critical discourse analysis. The study synthesizes insights derived from critical criminology, labeling theory, social construction theory, media criminology, and theories of crimes of the powerful. This interdisciplinary framework enables a comprehensive examination of the relationship between digital power structures, war representation, and international criminal accountability.
Findings: The findings reveal that cyber platforms have evolved from neutral communication tools into influential actors involved in producing meaning and shaping social reality. Through algorithmic systems, content moderation policies, and information prioritization mechanisms, platforms significantly influence which narratives become dominant and which remain marginalized.
The study identifies selective representation as one of the most important mechanisms through which platforms affect public perceptions. In contemporary conflicts, audiences rarely encounter the full complexity of military events. Instead, they are exposed to carefully filtered representations that emphasize certain perspectives while minimizing others. This process generates forms of cognitive inequality whereby different actors possess unequal capacities to disseminate and legitimize their narratives.
The findings further demonstrate the importance of labeling processes in constructing legitimacy. Digital platforms facilitate the widespread circulation of labels such as “self-defense,” “terrorism,” “security threats,” or “humanitarian protection.” These labels shape public evaluations of military actions and influence perceptions regarding responsibility, victimhood, and legality.
A major theoretical contribution of the research is the development of the concept of cognitive decriminalization of war. This concept refers to a process whereby public sensitivity toward conduct potentially violating international law gradually diminishes despite the continued existence of legal prohibitions. Through repetitive framing, emotional narratives, selective visibility, and algorithmic amplification, acts that may raise serious legal concerns can become normalized, justified, or perceived as inevitable.
The study also finds that this process weakens the practical effectiveness of international criminal law. Although norms prohibiting aggression, war crimes, and crimes against humanity remain legally valid, their capacity to mobilize public condemnation and political accountability may decline when digital representations successfully reshape collective perceptions of legitimacy.
Conclusion: The study concludes that cyber platforms have become fundamental components of contemporary structures of power, legitimacy, and social control. Their influence extends far beyond information dissemination and encompasses the active construction of public perceptions concerning war, justice, and criminal responsibility.
The Ramadan War illustrates how contemporary conflicts are increasingly fought within cognitive and informational domains alongside traditional military arenas. The ability to shape narratives has become nearly as important as the ability to deploy military force. Consequently, the effectiveness of international criminal law depends not only upon legal institutions and enforcement mechanisms but also upon the digital environments through which conflicts are represented and interpreted.
The concept of cognitive decriminalization of war provides a valuable analytical framework for understanding how digital representations may reduce societal sensitivity toward conduct that potentially violates international legal norms. As cyber platforms continue to expand their influence, future research must further examine their role in shaping global perceptions of legitimacy, accountability, and justice. A comprehensive understanding of contemporary warfare therefore requires integrating criminological, legal, technological, and media-centered perspectives into a unified analytical approach.

Abstract Introduction: Contemporary armed conflicts are no longer merely military events but increasingly mediated phenomena in which meaning and public experience are constructed through signs, images, and narratives. Drawing on Jean Baudrillard’s theory of simulation and hyperreality—particularly his argument that “the Gulf War did not take place”—this study examines how media outlets did not simply represent the battlefield realities of the 12-day Iran-Israel war (June 13-25, 2025) but actively produced distinct media realities. Baudrillard argued that, in the media age, representations become detached from their referents and acquire an autonomous existence in which the boundary between reality and simulation becomes increasingly blurred. Building on this perspective, the study asks: How did Iranian, Israeli, and international media construct hyperreality through language, imagery, and narrative reproduction? Which frames dominated each media cluster, and what do the three proposed indices—Self-Referentiality (SR), Narrative Reproduction Rate (NRR), and Narrative-Reality Gap (NRG)—reveal about the relationship between media representations and battlefield realities? The principal contribution of this study lies in translating Baudrillard’s abstract theoretical concepts into measurable analytical indicators, thereby enabling a comparative mixed-methods analysis of media representation during an intensive, short-term armed conflict.
Methods: The study employed a mixed-methods design combining Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) with computational text analysis. The corpus consisted of 150 news headlines (50 from each cluster) collected from three media groups: Iranian state-affiliated media (IRNA, ISNA, Press TV, and Tehran Times), Israeli media (The Jerusalem Post, The Times of Israel, Ynet, and Israel Hayom), and international news organizations (Reuters, Al Jazeera English, France 24, and the Associated Press). The sampling period extended from June 11 to July 1, 2025, covering the conflict together with a two-day pre-war period and a five-day post-ceasefire period. Headlines were selected through purposive sampling using relevance keywords and maximum temporal variation.
Nine analytical frames were identified: Resistance/Heroic Action, Defense/Security, Technological Superiority, Humanitarian Cost, International Legality, Diplomacy/De-escalation, Escalation/Threat, Blame Attribution, and Victory/Minimization of Losses. Each headline could receive multiple frame codes. Three hyperreality indices were calculated: Self-Referentiality (SR), Narrative Reproduction Rate (NRR), and Narrative-Reality Gap (NRG). Independent field reality was defined as facts corroborated by at least two independent and non-aligned sources. Computational analysis was conducted using VOSviewer for keyword co-occurrence networks and Microsoft Excel for descriptive statistical analysis.
Findings: The analysis revealed substantial differences among the three media clusters. Iranian media exhibited the highest Narrative Reproduction Rate (5.4 per day) and the largest Narrative-Reality Gap (27%). Coverage was dominated by the Resistance/Heroic Action frame, emphasizing symbolic victory and martyrdom while minimizing domestic losses. Self-Referentiality was also high (42%), with many reports relying primarily on official statements or previously published domestic media reports.
Israeli media demonstrated a similarly high level of Self-Referentiality (38%) and a Narrative-Reality Gap of 25%. Coverage primarily emphasized Defense/Security and Technological Superiority, highlighting the effectiveness of missile interception systems and deterrence capabilities while downplaying operational failures.
International media showed the lowest Self-Referentiality (21%) and the smallest Narrative-Reality Gap (15%). Their coverage focused predominantly on Humanitarian Cost and Diplomacy/Ceasefire. Nevertheless, this cluster also displayed identifiable narrative patterns by framing the conflict primarily as a humanitarian crisis requiring international management rather than as a sequence of military operations.
Keyword co-occurrence analysis revealed three distinct semantic structures corresponding to the three media clusters. International media were characterized by terms such as civilian, children, casualty, and aid; Israeli media by defense, interception, Iron Dome, and deterrence; and Iranian media by resistance, martyr, victory, and missile. These findings indicate that each media cluster constructed a relatively self-contained hyperreality in which media representations acquired a degree of autonomy from battlefield events.
Conclusion: The findings demonstrate that the 12-day Iran-Israel war unfolded not only on the battlefield but also within competing media narratives. Consistent with Baudrillard’s theory of hyperreality, the examined media outlets did not simply report events but actively constructed mediated realities that shaped public interpretation of the conflict. Iranian media emphasized heroic resistance and symbolic victory, Israeli media foregrounded technological superiority and legitimate self-defense, while international media primarily framed the conflict through humanitarian and diplomatic perspectives.
The three proposed indices—Self-Referentiality, Narrative Reproduction Rate, and Narrative-Reality Gap—proved useful for operationalizing the concept of hyperreality in comparative media research. Nevertheless, the study is subject to several limitations, including the relatively small sample of headlines, the short duration of the conflict examined, and the absence of direct Hebrew-language analysis. Future research should examine the causal effects of hyperreal narratives on audience perceptions, compare conflicts of different durations, and trace the evolution of dominant narratives across traditional media, social media, and user-generated content. Overall, the study highlights the importance of media literacy and transparent journalistic practices in an era in which mediated representations increasingly shape public understandings of armed conflict.

Abstract Introduction: The nature of contemporary conflicts has shifted from physical battlefields toward cognitive, perceptual, and media domains. Cognitive warfare, increasingly recognized as the sixth dimension of modern conflict, targets the beliefs, perceptions, and decision-making processes of populations in order to erode social capital, weaken national cohesion, and undermine collective resilience. Persian-language transnational media outlets are among the most influential actors in the media environment surrounding Iran, particularly during periods of crisis. Iran International, registered in London under Volant Media UK Ltd and regulated by Ofcom, has attracted considerable scholarly and journalistic attention because of questions concerning its ownership structure and editorial orientation. Reports published by The Guardian and the Financial Times have highlighted Saudi private investment in the network’s establishment and its substantial operational losses, raising questions about the relationship between media ownership and representational patterns, as conceptualized in Herman and Chomsky’s propaganda model. This study focuses on the Ramadan War, referring to the escalation of military conflict involving the Islamic Republic of Iran, the United States, and Israel beginning on February 28, 2026. This period was selected because of the exceptional intensity of media coverage and the proliferation of competing narratives.
The study develops an integrative theoretical framework drawing on Claverie and du Cluzel’s theory of cognitive warfare, which conceptualizes the human mind as the primary battlespace. Herman and Chomsky’s propaganda model explains how ownership and sourcing filters shape media content, while Entman’s framing theory and McCombs and Shaw’s agenda-setting framework explain how selective emphasis influences public perceptions. Woolley and Howard’s concept of computational propaganda addresses the algorithmic amplification of narratives, whereas Putnam’s social capital theory identifies institutional trust as one of the most vulnerable dimensions of social infrastructure during cognitive operations. In this study, media defense refers to the strategic use of managerial, content-based, and technological capacities to protect cognitive boundaries and sustain narrative initiative during crises.
Methods: The study employed a quantitative content analysis. The statistical population comprised all news items published on Iran International’s website between March 1 and May 23, 2026. Data were collected using a web crawler, and after relevance screening, 851 news items were analyzed using a census approach. The unit of analysis consisted of textual elements, including headlines, leads, and body text. A researcher-developed coding framework was employed, comprising three dimensions: 14 textual components derived from the cognitive warfare literature, 31 media and propaganda techniques, and 8 cognitive-social themes. Coding was non-exclusive, allowing multiple codes to be assigned to each news item. Intercoder reliability was assessed using Cohen’s kappa and Krippendorff’s alpha on a subsample of 120 news items, producing coefficients ranging from 0.76 to 0.85. Co-occurrence analysis based on the Jaccard coefficient was conducted to identify meaningful patterns of technique co-occurrence.
Findings: At the textual component level, Internationalization of Crisis appeared in 91.9% of the news items, followed by Personalization of Crisis (72.4%) and Inducing Urgency (69.3%). These three components formed the core representational structure, with the strongest co-occurrence observed between Internationalization of Crisis and Personalization of Crisis (J = 0.73).
At the level of media techniques, Half-truths was the most frequently observed technique (91.2%), followed by Magnification (51.8%), Exaggeration (41.9%), Negative Portrayal (41.4%), and Demonization (37.1%). On average, more than six techniques co-occurred within each news item, indicating a systematic combination of persuasive strategies. The dominant representational pattern relied primarily on the selective presentation of partial truths combined with emotional amplification rather than outright fabrication.
At the level of cognitive-social themes, Erosion of National Will appeared in 40.3% of the news items, followed by Weakening National Consensus (32.4%) and Substitution of Foreign Narratives (25.6%). These findings suggest a representational pattern associated with the gradual erosion of social hope, collective solidarity, and civic agency.
Conclusion: The findings generated three sets of theoretical implications for media defense. First, proactive information transparency requires the timely dissemination of accurate information before competing narratives become established, thereby reducing opportunities for selective misrepresentation. Second, strengthening collective resilience requires positive emotional communication, documentary narratives grounded in solidarity and hope, and complementary cognitive inoculation and prebunking strategies. Third, rebuilding institutional trust depends on transparent representations of institutional performance and the reinforcement of horizontal networks of social trust.
Overall, the findings indicate that Iran International’s representational pattern exhibited a coherent and multilayered structure consistent with the characteristics of cognitive warfare. Rather than relying primarily on fabricated information, the coverage was characterized by the selective presentation of partial truths combined with emotional amplification. Future research could extend this work through comparative analyses of multiple media outlets, audience reception studies, and longitudinal investigations across different phases of armed conflict.

Abstract Introduction: The expansion of social media has transformed the ways political crises, conflicts, and wartime experiences are represented and interpreted. War is no longer narrated solely by official institutions or legacy media; users also participate in the production of meaning through captions, images, hashtags, and everyday digital interactions. Among social media platforms, Instagram has emerged as a significant space for expressing emotion, identity, memory, and collective belonging. Its visual-textual architecture enables users not only to document events but also to frame them symbolically and affectively. This study examines the digital narrative of the Twelve-Day War through Instagram captions posted under the hashtags “Homeland,” “Iran,” and “War.” It draws upon the intersection of netnography, digital storytelling, and hashtag-based meaning-making. From this perspective, hashtags are not merely classificatory tools; they function as discursive nodes that connect dispersed posts to shared interpretations and collective emotions. The study asks how users constructed a networked narrative of the war and how their captions represented national identity, attachment to homeland, solidarity, martyrdom, resistance, ethical judgment, and the lived experience of crisis.
Methods: This study employed a qualitative netnographic approach. Netnography was selected because it enables an in-depth examination of cultural expression, symbolic practices, and social interaction within digitally mediated environments. The field of study consisted of publicly accessible Instagram captions posted during the Twelve-Day War under the selected hashtags. Purposive sampling was employed. Captions were included if they related to the wartime period, referred directly or indirectly to the conflict, and contained sufficient textual depth for interpretation. Posts conveying emotional, symbolic, national, ethical, or experiential meanings were prioritized for analysis. Because the study focused on discourse and meaning-making, the caption served as the primary unit of analysis. Digital research ethics were observed by analyzing only publicly available posts, avoiding interaction with users, and removing all identifying information. The data were analyzed using multilevel thematic analysis. Captions were read repeatedly and coded inductively. Similar codes were subsequently grouped into thematic clusters, which were then organized into broader identity-based, value-based, and symbolic dimensions. The analysis proceeded iteratively between the data, coding, and interpretation. Trustworthiness was enhanced through systematic coding, constant comparison, purposive variation, and thematic saturation.
Findings: Findings show that Instagram captions using the hashtags “Homeland,” “Iran,” and “War” have constructed diverse digital narratives of national identity and wartime experience. Under the “Homeland” hashtag, the nation is represented beyond its geographical territory as an emotional, historical, ethical, and symbolic construct, with national identity portrayed as a moral-emotional bond rather than an abstract concept. Resistance is framed not merely in military terms but as encompassing scientific, cultural, spiritual, and intergenerational dimensions, while martyrdom is depicted as a means of preserving collective memory and forging heroic identities. The captions also reveal dual ethical boundary-making, as some view silence during crisis as betrayal, whereas others prioritize unity and tolerance over differences—highlighting the heterogeneity of these digital war narratives. Under the “Iran” hashtag, the nation serves as the focal point of pride, mourning, and solidarity, and a key finding is that political criticism does not necessarily conflict with loyalty to Iran as a homeland and historical memory; these captions incorporate both religious sentiments and humanitarian concerns, such as women’s resilience and economic hardship. Finally, under the “War” hashtag, insecurity, fear, and psychological vulnerability are prominent, yet alongside these, hope, prayer, family support, and transnational empathy emerge as important sources of resilience.
Conclusion: The findings demonstrate that the examined hashtags functioned as infrastructures for collective meaning-making during the Twelve-Day War. Instagram users did not merely report events; they actively constructed a networked narrative through which fear, grief, resistance, sacrifice, criticism, hope, and national attachment were interpreted, negotiated, and shared. Instagram therefore operated as a platform for affective publics, collective memory, and the ongoing reconstruction of national identity. The study further suggests that the concept of “homeland” was reconstituted as a dynamic cultural formation rather than a fixed territorial entity. Through emotional language, symbolic references, moral judgments, and personal memories, users connected individual experiences to broader narratives of nationhood and crisis. In this respect, netnography proved particularly effective in uncovering the implicit cultural, symbolic, and discursive dimensions of wartime digital storytelling.

Abstract Introduction: In recent years, the long-standing conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Zionist regime has also increasingly entered the cognitive phase. Using its cyber and media capabilities, the Israeli regime has placed direct targeting of the psyche and social cohesion of Iranian citizens on its agenda. Few studies have addressed the question of how ordinary citizens - who are the main targets of these attacks - operate in cognitive warfare? And how they transform “narrative” from a tool for media propaganda into a weapon for “reality construction” and digital resistance? Therefore, studying the media activism of political activists on Instagram can help to better understand the mechanisms of crisis representation, meaning production, and symbolic mobilization in the context of social networks. Focusing on this theoretical gap, the present study attempts to analyze the activism of political activists on Instagram and show how they confront the enemy’s psychological operations by producing “counter-narratives” and strategies such as normalizing life. Accordingly, this research seeks to analyze the content of Iranian political activists’ media activism on Instagram during the 12-day war and examines the themes, components, and expressive methods used in this activism.
Methods: In the present study, a qualitative approach was used. Content analysis was used to analyze the mechanisms of meaning production in social posts. The unit of analysis in this study is posts published on the Instagram platform. The sampling was of a non-random purposeful type, in which 55 posts were selected in accordance with the research criteria, which was ultimately sufficient by taking advantage of theoretical saturation and the researcher achieved the final result. The criterion for selecting the sample was to include posts and content produced by political activists during the critical period of the 12-day war of the Zionist regime against Iran.
Findings: In this study, the data analysis process was based on Brown and Clark’s (2006) three-stage coding model. In the first stage (open coding), basic concepts and meaningful propositions were extracted from the text of the posts. In this stage, each meaningful sentence, word, or symbol was considered as an initial code. For example, phrases such as “blood of martyrs,” “united nation,” “strong Iran,” or “national stance” were identified as meaningful signs in the very first stage, because each of them carried an emotional, political, or identity-related charge. Also, images of the Iranian flag, photos of martyrs, videos of rallies, and stories of sympathy were examined as meaningful data alongside the written text. In the second stage (axial coding or organized concepts), similar codes in terms of meaning, orientation, and function were grouped into categories that had a common nature. These categories represented recurring patterns in the posts. For example, posts that simultaneously included condolences to the families of the martyrs, emotional hashtags, and representations of the suffering of children and women were grouped into a semantic cluster and linked to the category of “emotional-humanistic statements.” Meanwhile, posts that emphasized condemnation of aggression, the right to self-defense, or criticism of the silence of international institutions were organized under “political-military stances.” This classification method shows that the data were not limited to the expression of emotions alone, but moved from the level of emotion to the level of political meaning-making and social mobilization. In the third stage (selective coding or general concepts), the categories from the second stage were combined at higher levels of abstraction based on internal relationships and semantic overlap to form the main themes of the research. Based on this, five main themes were identified, each reflecting part of the logic of political activists’ media activism. Taken together, these themes show that Instagram was not simply a platform for disseminating news during the 12-Day War, but rather a space for connecting emotion, identity, action, and narrative. The abundance of categories also indicates that political activism in this context relied more on emotion and empathy than anything else, and then moved towards taking a position and practical mobilization. Of the 37 categories extracted, the highest semantic density was related to actions that were directly linked to the memory of martyrs, the suffering of civilians, and national solidarity. During the 12-day war in Iran, political activists on Instagram have used the visual and interactive platform of this network to represent collective emotions, political stances, and social mobilization. The highest frequency is related to emotional-human expressions (17 posts), which reflect the users’ efforts to arouse empathy, strengthen national cohesion, and emotionally legitimize the resistance. Next in order are political-military positions and calls for action (14 posts).
Conclusion: Content analysis of political activists’ Instagram posts during Iran’s 12-Day War revealed that this group’s media activism followed a multidimensional and strategic pattern on the cognitive battlefield; a pattern that began with emotional-humanistic expressions (with a frequency of 30.9%) as the initial driver of national solidarity, continued with political-military stances (25.5%) to legitimize the resistance, and evolved with activist calls (18.2%), representations of civilian victims (14.5%), and symbolic-stylistic features (10.9%) to practical mobilization and visual narrative construction. These findings establish Instagram not only as a platform for expressing emotions, but also as a cognitive battlefield where Iranian activists reconstructed the narrative of resistance against enemy propaganda and strengthened national resilience by humanizing victims, criticizing Zionist aggression, and organizing virtual-real gatherings.